When Bill 7 passes, Premier David Eby will be the most powerful premier in B.C.’s history for the two years the emergency measures are in effect.
When Bill 7 passes, Premier David Eby will be the most powerful premier in B.C.’s history for the two years the emergency measures are in effect.
Premier David Eby has been steadily dialling up the rage, as the Trump assault on Canada became an inescapable reality.
His initial reactions last November were mild — a call for Canadian unity and a reassurance that “we have more in common with Americans than what separates us.”
By January he was calling the tariff and annexation threats “an attack on B.C. families, an attack on Canadians.”
By last week he was calling it “a declaration of economic war on our country. … Elbows up, here we go. … We’re going to ensure Americans understand how pissed off we are.”
On Thursday, Bill 7 — the Economic Stabilization (Tariff Response) Act — was introduced. Eby’s fear, frustration, and anger at perceived need for it were dominant. (“The beast is still coming at us full speed.”)
When he first said that legislative changes were coming to better equip him for the crisis, he said it was to provide “flexibility” and allow for nimble responses.
The bill goes far beyond that. It looks like at almost every point where there was a choice between a light touch and a heavy hand, he opted for the maximum consolidation of potential power possible.
Key “due process” mechanisms — those checks and balances that curb politicians’ discretion — are stripped away in Bill 7. When it passes, Eby will be the most powerful premier in B.C.’s history for the two years the emergency measures are in effect.
The only limits on the powers are the sunset clause, which can be extended, and the protection of Indigenous consultation and natural resource environmental measures. They are outside the scope of the new law.
To limit the public sector’s procurement of goods and services from the U.S. ($600 million worth in the last fiscal year) cabinet gets new authority to override purchase orders. Any legal proceedings by the agencies against government decision-makers are barred.
To allow for new charges on U.S. trucks transiting B.C. en route to Alaska, cabinet gets new authority to collect personal information and disclose it. B.C. Ferries is included in the sphere where those charges can apply.
Eby acknowledged that Alaska is funding roadwork on the Canadian side of the Alaska Highway, the jointly built Second World War project ($43 million was committed for a stretch in the Yukon last year.)
But he wants to pressure state officials to work on calling off the tariffs.
Trump started the war, but if Eby starts a truck tolling battle, it could bring Canada-bound trucks, full of food, into play.
Under the heading “response powers” cabinet can order regulations in three broad areas: challenges “or anticipated challenges” arising from foreign powers, supporting interprovincial cooperation or “supporting the economy of B.C. and Canada.”
In other words: virtually anything, anywhere. Bill 7 prevails over most other laws. Eby said the retaliatory powers would only be used if Trump forces him to use them, but “we probably will need these extraordinary powers.”
To give an idea of how powerful the bill is, the section on freeing up internal trade appears to unilaterally wipe out over a century’s worth of interprovincial trade restrictions in a few brisk sentences. He hopes other provinces reciprocate, but B.C. is going ahead regardless.
It overrides any and all regulations about production, quality, inspection or certification, etc. If a minister makes a “request” the regulatory authorities have 60 days to comply or they will be overruled.
He made his case for the power grab by describing the upcoming crisis in the starkest terms possible. He even invited speculation on the U.S. cutting off the Canadian entitlement to U.S.-produced power from the Columbia River, under a treaty.
Skeptics may be wondering privately about self-serving political motivations, but Eby veered onto that topic unprompted all by himself.
If the bill somehow gets voted down in the legislature (unlikely, but not impossible) there would be an election, he said.
“I would stand and tell British Columbians that this bill is to do exactly what I’m telling them today. … It is to respond to nightmare scenarios that are within the realm of the possible with this president.
“My guess would be that they support us.”
Discover more from World Byte News
Subscribe to get the latest posts sent to your email.